6. Sanda Thudhamma’s Passion
After
the subsidence of the threat from the Mughal subahdsr of, Bengal, and
the suppression of the Mughal soldiers, Sanda Thudhamma found time ori
his hands to indulge in his amorous propensities which, ultimately, were
to seal the fates of Sultan Shuja',his family, his immediate followers
and a body of Arakanese Muslims many of them innocent bystanders.
From
the beginning some difficulties seem to have arisen over protocol. It
would appear that Sanda Thudhamma, like any other autocratic ruler
wanted that be whom he had befriended and protected, and who is said to
have "hurled himself at the King's feet and acknowledged his suzerainty
should at least visit the royal court and stand before the royal throne
as a suppliant, a refugee or one protected."
All the chroniclers who touch upon this point, state that Shuja' did not appear in the court.
According
to Bender; "I know not whether Sultan Shujah considered it beneath his
dignity to associate with him, or whether he apprehended that his person
would be seized and his treasure plundered, if be ventured into the
palace for so the Sultan sent his son Banque to deputize for him, after
apologies for his father's indisposition." But in Bernier's opinion,
Banque's presents to the King in the form of "rich brocades and rare
pieces of goldsmith's work, set with precious stones of great value"
mollified the Arakanese King.1
Manucci's version largely tallies with that of Bernier. He says:
Some
days after the arrival of Prince Shah Shuja in the kingdom of Arakan,
where he had been conducted with much honour, in conformity with the
customs of those kings, to a palace 2
outside the city, he was invited by the king to sit with him. But the
prince, although a fugitive and in necessity, would not forsake his
dignity, holding himself to be a much greater man than the king of
Arakan. The latter could not compare in dignity, refinement, or pleasant
habits with even a simple captain among the Moguls. Not liking to go
and sit with him. Shah Shuja sent his son. Sultan Bang with the excuse
that he himself was unwell.The Magh was delighted at the coming of
Sultan Bang, expecting that he would offer him many jewels, stones of
price, and costly pieces of cloth.
Then
followed the basin of raw buffalo blood at the festive table about
which mention has been made before Even though Banque "was much revolted
and held his nostril" the "King appears not to have been annoyed at
this breach of etiquette.3
What
precipitated the crisis in which the blue blood of the Mughal royalty
was lavished on the arid rocks of Mrauk-U, was the Arakanese King's mad
and tempestuous passion for one of the Mughal princesses whom he wanted
to wed and carry off into his seraglio.
Sanda
Thudhamma's motivation in suddenly asking for the hand of a Muslim
princess of the imperial Mughal family the members of which were strong
believers in the tenets of the Muslim faith has been interpreted as
political by certain writers, Hamilton suggests that Sanda Thudhimrna
was deliberately out to provoke a quarrel with Shuja’. Says Hamilton in
this regard:
The
threatening letter (from Mir Jumla) wrought so far on the base
Arackaner, that he contrived ways and means to pick a quarrel with his
guest, to have a pretext to oblige Emirjemal. At last he found a very
fair one.
Sultan
Shujah having a very beautiful daughter, the King of Arackan desired
her in marriage but knew very well that Sultan Shujah would never
consent to the match he being a Pagan and she a Mahomedan. The father
used all reasonable arguments to diswade the Arackaner from prosecuting
his suit, but in vain, for the Arackaner grew daily more pressing, and
Sultan Shuja at last gave him a final denial on which the base King sent
him orders to go out of his dominion in three days and forbad the
markets to furnish him any more with provision for his money.4
Dow, Stewart, and after them, Spearman and Phayre support this theory.
The
two on-the-spot observers,Gerrit van Voorburg and Wouter Schouten are,
surprisingly, quite silent about the proposal for marriage.They fail to
ascribe any cause of the quarrel between Shuja' and the King, and
describe in much details the actual course of the brief, if sharp,
clash. Bernier, and Manucci, however, go into some details over this
although they do not offer any extraneous reason for the marriage
proposal other than Sanda Thudhamma's infatuation. Says the former:
"...the
King, five or sn days after this interview (with Sultsn Banque), made a
formal demand of one of his daughters in marriage. Sultan Shujah's
refusal to accede to this request exasperated him to such a degree that
the Prince's situation became quite desperate."5
Manucci's
account differs on one cardinal point, viz., that the Arakanese King
wanted one of the princesses as a wife for his son (and not for
himself). In. Manucci's words:
The
temerity of the King arrived at such a pitch that he asked for a
daughter of Shah Shuja as wife for his own son.The Prince Shah Shuja
awaited nothing but the monsoon season to make a start for Persia or
Mecca. Its arrival was delayed, and he began to be irritated at the
coarseness of the Arakan king,, and his overwhelming conceit in asking
for his [ Shah Shuja's ] daughter as wife to his son.6
The
Arakanese works, as expected, narrate a glamorously slanted concoction
of events rationalizing the "marriage" and its aftermath. Says San Shwe
Bu:
"Meanwhile,
to seal friendly relations between them, Shujah [on his arrival at
Mrauk-U] gave his eldest daughter [whom San Shwe Bu called Chand Bibi]
in marriage to the king who celebrated the event in song and verse
which, at the present day, are among the most beautiful compositions to
be found in the whole range of Arakanese literature.” 7
Maha Razawin, the traditional chronicle of Arakan, as reported, differs on this point. It runs:
"Aspiring
for Buddhahood Sanda Thudhamma honoured Thet Thuza's [Shah Shuja’s]
daughters with his special affection granting them exalted positions in
his harem, servants and maids to wait upon, food in abundance, and an
immense wealth of precious metal.Thet Thuza's daughters thereby enjoyed
the generous affection of the great king, powerful, righteous, and
compassionate towards both the laity and the clergy.Theirs was the
enviable pleasure of waiting uponsuch a glorious sovereign.” 8
At
another place the chronicle goes on to say that "Soon after his arrival
in Arakan...Shah Shuja presented his sister (Sabe Bee) to, the King to
keep her in the palace as one of the ladies-in-waiting...." 9 In passing, San Baw U refers to the romantic version of this particular episode written respectively by Rabindranath Tagore 10 and adapted and used by George Calderon, the dramatist, in his The Maharani of Arakan. Both these authors in their romances specifically refer to unfortunate heroine as Peari Banu, "the beautiful Mophul princess."
Jadu
Nath Sarkar, scrupulous historian that he was, not finding any reliable
information such as records of the contemporary Dutch factors at
Mrauk-U and elsewhere, makes no mention of Sanda Thudhamma's marriage to
the Mugal Shahzad; but modern historians of Burma, like Harvey and
Hall, weighing all available evidence which is considerable in corpus
and reliable to a degree, accept the marriage, forced or otherwise, as
something that did happen. 11
The
identity of the princess whom the king wanted to wed is not too clearly
established. The eldest daughter Peari (or Peara ) Banu is most
commonly mentioned as the princess concerned although San Baw U says
that it was the youngest who was named Peari Banu and who was the
bride-elect. The position is more confused on account of Shuja's second
wife who had accompanied him in his exile, being called Peari Banu by
Dow and accepted as such by Beale in his Oriental Biographical Dictionary.12
7. "Mogh"' Vs. Mughal
The
violent conflict which erupted shortly afterwards, if brief and
one-sided, was a sad climax to the dramatic events of Mrauk-U of 1660
and 1661. There are two schools of opinion about the roots of this
bloody clash: one holds that Sanda Thudhamma either inspired or
intimidated by Mir Jumla, or excited by greed and lust or dogged by
suspicion and fear, looked for a pretext to provoke Shuja' into taking
up arms, thus providing the host with an excuse for finishing him off
with his sons and followers and abducting his women into the walled
palace of Mrauk-U, and annexing a huge quantity of loot like which
Arakan had never seen before.13
The
second school suggests that deprived of the succession to the imperial
throne at Delhi and driven from the subah of Bengal by fear and physical
danger, Shuja' came soon to nourish political ambitions in Arakan,
hoping to utilize for his purpose the sympathy of the Arakanese and
Bengali Muslims settled at Mrauk-U and elsewhere in that kingdom.This
last point of view is held by Arakanese historians and supported, if
somewhat speciously, by at least one European writer.14
The
truth appears to be midway between the two theories. It was undoubtedly
the frustrations that Shuja' faced, e.g., his failure to get a
sea-going vessel to carry him to Makkah even afier a long wait of eight
months, along with the growing consciousness of his increasingly
difficult position and the threat to the physical safety and honour of
himself and his family, which made him decide on gambling on a forlorn
chance. Sanda Thudhamma from being a patron and benefactor had turned
into a watchful hostile on the alert to pounce upon him on any pretext,
inspired by the greed for gold or the lust for a beautiful woman. Sanda
Thudhamma’s behaviour became insulting and insolently aggressive and it
was obvious that a showdown was bound to come—and it came very soon.
The
die was cast. To live; Shuja had to dare. Bowrey sums up the Mughal
prince's highly critical position very appositely as below:
“At
which [the refusal of Sanda Thudhamma's suit] the King was sorely
displeased and could not be pacified, but sought the total destruction
of the Sultan and all that appertained to him..." 15
With
the support of the Muslims settled in Arakan, and particularly those in
and around Mrauk-U, Sultan Snuja' dreamt of bringing off a coup by
which the royal house of Mrauk-U would be exterminated and the throne
would be his.
Bernier says:
''Sultan
Sujah's refusal to accede to this request [marriage of one of his
daughters to the Arakanese King] exasperated him [the King] to such a
degree that the Prince's situation became quite desperate. What then
ought he to do? To remain inactive was only quietly to await
destruction. The season for departure was passing away; it was therefore
necessary to come to a decision of some kind. He meditated, at length,
an enterprise which never was exceeded in extravagance, and which proves
the hopelessness of the situation to which he was reduced.
...
[But a little later Bernier himself agrees that] this bold attempt,
which resembled more the enterprise of a desperado than that of a
prudent man, had nevertheless a certain feasibility in it, as I was
informed by several Mahomedans, Portuguese, and Hollanders, who were
then on the spot.16
Manucci's narrative corroborates:
He
(Shuja’) was afraid of some act of violence or insolence. His force of
armed men was very small, but he found many dwellers in Arakan, Moguls
and Pnthans, who showed themselves well inclined towards him. He
therefore planned an outbreak, intending to slay the king and take the
kingdom, and then advance once more to test his fortune in Bengal having
thus previously made sure of a refuge in case of failure.17
Stewart mentions that:
The
Raja was highly offended at the haughtiness of this answer; and
repeated his orders for Shuja immediately to quit his territory. The
unfortunate prince was then convinced that the mind of the Raja was
actuated by the combined passions of lust and avarice, and that certain
death awaited him and his sons....18
Shah
Shuja' despite the gamble, had some hopes of success as has been hinted
at by Bernier and others. Seventeenth century Arakan and particularly
its capital Mrauk-U and the seaport towns harboured a considerable
population of Muslims, both native Arakanese, and Indians among whom
those from Bengal predominated.
Strong
Muslim influence in lats seventeenth century Arakan has been remarked
upon by a host of writers. Bernier mentions: "Although the King of Rakan
be a Gentile, yet there are many Mahomedans mixed with the people, who
have either chosen to retire among them, or have been enslaved by the
Portuguese before mentioned, in their expeditions to the neighbouring
coasts..."
Manucci
also mentions, ...he (Shah Shuja) found many dwellers in Arakan, Moguls
and Pathans, who showed themselves well inclined towards him..." Even
San Shwe Bu agrees that "there were numerous Mohamedans settled in the
country.19
The
real position and strength of Muslims in Arakan of those days have been
assessed by Muhammad Enamul Huq and (the late) Abdul Karim in their
work, and corroborated later by Mahbub-ul-Alam.20
The authors hold that Islam began to spread from the eastern bank of the Meghna up to Arakan since the 8th and 9th
centuries A. C., long before the establishment of a Muslim Kingdom in
this frontier region. Since then, this influence grew fast and was
consolidated fully by the seventeenth century. The authors very tightly
attribute the growth and development of Muslim influence from the days
of King Min Saw Mun of Arakan (1404-34) who was restored to the throne
in 1430 by the intervention of his patron, Sultan Jalal al-din Muhammad
Shah of Gaur. The inscription of the Muslim kalima on Arakanese coins
and the adoption of many Muslim customs and terms were other
significant tributes to the influence of Islam. Mosques including the
famous Sandikhan mosque began to dot the countryside and Islamic
customs, manners and practices came to be established since this time.
For about two hundred years the Muslim domination seemed to have been
complete.
From
the days of the restoration, there was an influx of Muslim officials,
including ministers and courtiers, physicians (hakims or tabibs ),
qadis, soldiers both of the cavalry and infantry, merchants, traders,
labourers and workers who were soon absorbed in the general population.
In addition there was a transient population of sailors of becalmed
'Arab. Persian and Indian Muslims vessels who spent considerable periods
of the year in the seaports of Arakan waiting for favourable winds.21
Haq
and Karim base their claims on contemporary Bengali literature, which
blossomed at Mrauk-U (Mrohaung) particularly puthis written in the 17th
century by Bengali poets.
According
to Huq and Karim, King Thiri Thudhamma-raza (1612-22) had as his War
minister, or Lashkar Wazir, one Ashraf Khan of Chittagong. This
statement is corroborated, partially, by Manrique, the Augustinian friar
who visited Arakan in the days of this king and, later, yet more fully,
by the Daghregister which mentions the "Lascar Zuzil" as the chief
minister.
Haq
and Karim also mention that in the days of King Narapatigyi (1638-45)
who succeeded Thiri Thudhamma after a very short interval, the Lashkar
Wazir was yet another Muslim whose son was a court official. The latter,
called Magan Thakur became, in turn, the chief minister, of
Narapatiey's nephew, son-in-law and successor, Thado Mintar (1645-1652).
Magan is said to have been succeeded by Sulaiman as chief minister. The
authors mention a number of their Muslim officials, major or minor, at
the court of Mrauk-U.22
Therefore
Shuja’s plan was not entirely the last desperate throw of a gambler.
Had the element of surprise in his plot taken the Arakanese aback, the
course of Arakanese history might well have been changed.
Shah Shuja’s attempted rebellion has been noticed by various writers. Schouten is not quite clear when he records:
"Chasausa
nevertheless from time to time saw some servants to find for him a way
of escape ; and to make secret use of the homeward retreat of the people
of the countryside in order that after being of service he would also
serve without being recognized. In fact he disappeared, and the
principal members of his suite disappeared with him. He carried with him
what was most precious, and the court had not been alerted to his
escape in time, so it was not discovered, until he bad safely
disappeared...
This narrative, disjointed and obscure as it is, continues:
"The
King of Aracan had sent broadcast orders to find the Prince of Bengal
and bring him there, had redoubled the frontier guards, and strongly
defended what remained fortified, (put under surveillance) also Maures
of the Realm, (or) what appeared to be Maure, if he had no passport. All
ehese precautions tended to prevent Chasausa's invasion.
...The
unfortunate Chasausa was discovered, taken and held prisoner in the
village of Aracan, he was accused of infidelity and sentenced to death.
His men delivered him as they found him, and those who delivered him
were no less traitors than their master.23
Some mingled among the peasants of the country-side as if they were
natives themselves and they saved themselves in this way. The silvers
and gems fell into the King's hands"...24
The
Dutch surgeon's account, suggests that Shuja' tried to escape from
Mrauk-U, and indeed the Kingdom of Arakan, in fear of his and his
family's lives, honour and property.
Gerrit
van Voorburg's letter preserved in the Daghregister as summarized by
Hall says that "the massacre of Shuja's retinue took place on 7 February
1661" and was carried out because the prince "intended to escape from
the King's palaces and conquer the kingdom, of Arakan for himself." 25
Hall
goes on to explain why despite their presence at Mrauk-U at the very
time of the massacre of the Mughals both Gerrit van Voorburg and
Schouten appear to be totally ignorant of the proceedings. For their
violent counter-action to Shuja’s intended revolt, (several historians
hold that it was simply action and not counter-action!) the Arakanese
had taken prior precautions of having all ships including "a Dutch
vessel, and some belonging to Indian Mahomedans ... moved away from the
wharf. All the roads were patrolled by troops and the rivers by
galiasses..." Naturally, the Dutch observers were totally in the dark
until after the killings, when news began to seep in gradually.
The news was gruesome and shocking. Hall continues:
"His
[van Voorburg’s] first report was that when Shah Shuja found his house
attacked, he set fire to it and abandoned it by night with his three
sons, his harem and about 300 followers. The Arakanese general had
pursued them and captured the eldest son, Bon Sulthan, and his youngest
son. These were brought before the king on February 15 and imprisoned.
But Shah Shuja himself and his second son Saan [Chand] Sultan had
escaped to Tippera. Later he heard that Shah Shuja had not escaped" 26
The fate of Shsh Shuja' remained a mystery even after some months when the Daghregister states:
The
prince Cbasousa, of whom in the- previous Arakan advices of 22 February
last it was said that he was a fugitive, and had not been found either
alive or dead, is believed however, though there is no certainty
therein, to have perished in the first fury, but his body was made
unrecognisable by the grandees in order the better to be able to deck
their persons with the costly jewels, which he wore. His three sons
together with his wives and daughters have been taken; the wives and
daughters have been brought into the King's palace, and the sons after
being imprisoned for some time have been released and permitted to live
in a iittle house. Every day the gold and silver, which the Arakanese
have taken, are brought into the King's treasury to be melted down."27
Bernier,
who holds that Shah Shuja' in desperation organized a revolt and who
had the benefit of three or four first hand if "totally different
accounts of the fate of that prince...''gives ample details:
Although
the King of Rakan be a Gentile, yet there are many Mahometans mixed
with the people, who have either chosen to retire among them, or have
been enslaved by the Portuguese before mentioned, in their expeditions
to the neighbouring coasts. Sultan Sujah secretly gained over
Mahometans, whom he joined with two or three hundred of his own people,
the remnant of those who followed him from Bengale ; and with this force
resolved to surprise the house of the King, put his family to the
sword, and make himself sovereign of the country. This bold attempt
which resembled more the enterprise of a desperado than that of a
prudent man, had nevertheless a certain feasibility in it as I was
informed by several Mahometans, Portuguese and Hollanders, who were then
on the spot. But the day before the blow was to be struck, a discovery
was made of the design, which altogether ruined the affairs of Sultan
Sujah, and involved in it the destruction of his family.
The
Prince endeavoured to escape into Pegu; a purpose scarcely possible to
be effected by reason of the vast mountains and forests that lay in the
route , for there is not now, as formerly a regular road in that
direction. He was pursued and overtaken, within twenty-four hours after
his flight; he defended himself with an obstinacy of courage much as
might have been expected and the number of barbarians that fell under
his sword was incredible; but at length, overpowered by the increasing
host of assailants, he was compelled to give up the unequal combat.
Sultan Banque, who had not advanced so far as his father, fought also
like a lion, until covered with the blood of the wounds he received from
the stones that had been showered on him from all sides, he was seized,
and carried away, with his two young brothers, his sisters, and his
mother.
"No
other particulars, on which dependence may be placed, are known of
Sultan Sujah. It is said that be reached the hills, accompanied by an
eunuch, a woman, and two other persons; that he received a wound on the
bead from a stone, which brought him to the ground; that the eunuch
having bound up the Prince's bead with his own turban, he rose again,
and escaped into the woods.28
Manucci corroborates, and especially in profuse detail, the slaughter of the Mughal Prince and his family. He says:
He
confided this design to some of his people, by whom it was approved.
But they were not able to carry out the project with the called-for
secrecy, and through the delay they made there was time for the King of
Arakan to hear of the plot. He planned the assassination of Shah Shujah
and all his adherents, and to this intent called to him his four
principal captains, each of whom had three thousand armed men... To
these he issued orders that one morning of daybieak they should all with
one accord shout "Long live the King of Arakan! Death to Shah Shujah
and all traitors !” Under cover of these, they were to kill everyone.
The captains carried out the order of their king, killing everybody they
encountered. Upon this news reaching the unfortunate prince Shah
Shujah, he tried to save his life by getting on his elephant, hoping
that he might thereby impose some respect for his person.
But
it was grievous to see the fury with which the Maghs came on, throwing
everything into disorder, with blows and shouts and cries, some saying
"Death to the Prince Shah Shujah!" others, "Death to his son. Prince
Bang '" others “Slay those traitorous Moguls who fied here from Bengal
!" Prince Bang was taken prisoner, while Shah Shujah with a few men fied
to the jungle. He made liberal use of the bags of jewels and pearls,
which he scattered among these savages, attempting by the use of these
valuables to mitigate the rage of the soldiers and gain a free passage
for his flisht. But the Maghs paid no heed to his proffered wealth ;
thev pursued the poor prince like famishing wolves, cutting his bodv
into pieces, stripping it bare and plundering all his valuables...
Prince Bang remained for some time a prisoner, but afterward he regained
his liberty.29
As
had already been stated before Bowrey believed that there was no plot
fostered by Shuja' but that the suspicious nature of Sanda Thudhamma led
him to set his minions to put his own place on fire and give out that
the act was Shuja’s so that the city guards and natives soldiery went on
a rampage for the blood (and treasures) of Shuja' and his helpless
family and followers. His conclusion is: ''The Sultan fled toward the
mountain and his small trains with him, but were so severely pursued
that the woody mountain became their sepulchres." 30
This escape into the mountain theory is also subscribed to by Hamilton who writes:
Sultan
Sujah knowing it would be death for him to go back to Bengal, resolved
to pass over some mountains overgrown with woods, into the King of
Pegu's dominions, which were not above 100 miles off, and so next day
after summons, with his family, treasure, and attendants. Sultan Sujah
began his march, but the barbarous Arackaner sent a strong party after
him, who overtook him before he had advanced far into the woods, and
killed most of Sultan Sujah's company, and brought it back in an
inglorious triumph. What became of Sultan Sujah and his fair daughter,
none could ever give a certain account; whether they were killed in the
skirmish or whether they were destroyed by wild elephants and tigers in
the woods, none ever knew, but the Arakanese allege they were destroyed
by the wild beasts of the woods, and not by the more savage beasts in
human shape. So much treasure never had been seen in Arackan before.31
In
addition to Bowrey, Dow, Stewart and their followers, Spearman and
Phayre, do not put any credence on the story of Shuja's attempted
rebellion. They hold, albeit in more or less varying degrees, that the
Arakanese King antagonized by Shuja’s haughty refusal of his suit for
the hand of one of the princesses, foisted a concocted charge of
rebellion on Snuja’ and used this pretext to finish off the Prince and
his family. The matter was complicated by the general wave of sympathy
for the distressed Mughal, not only among Muslims of all races, but the
general populace as well.
Dow says:
Therefore
to assassinate him in private was impossible from the vigilance of his
party of forty friends (body-guard). A public pretence must be made to
gain the wealth of Shuja and to appease his enemies by his death the
report of conspiracy against the Raja was industriously spread abroad.
It was affirmed that Shuja had formed a design to mount the throne of
Arracan, by assassinating its monarch...
Dow opines, in continuation:
The
thing was itself improbable. How could a foreigner, with forty
adherents hope to rule a people of a different religion with
themselves...
The
Raja in a pretended terror, called suddenly together his council. He
unfolded to them the circumstances of the conspiracy, and he asked their
advice. They were unanimously of the opinion that Shuja and his
followers should be immediately sent away from the country...The Raja
was disappointed in his expectations; ... he, however ...resolved to
execute his own designs...32
According
to this account, SLhuja' chose to fight it out to the bitter end,
taking advantage of the strategic site where his house was situated, at
the foot of Bahbudaung Hill on a narrow piain which lay between a
precipice and a river [Inda or Einza or the modern Lemro] which issuing
from Arakan, falls into the country of Pegu...At either end of the plain
a pass was formed between the rock and the river. Shuja' with twenty of
his men, possessed himself of one; and his son with rest, stood in the
other in arms."33
Needless
to say that the small band of refugees fighting a desperate fight for
their lives and honour were soon overwhelmed. According to Dow's
narrative, Shah Shuja' himself with two friends was taken in a canoe
which was sunk in midstream leaving them to drown in a watery but not
bloody death for, according to Burmese practice, royal blood was not to
be shed. His wife and daughters were forcibly rescued, led from the
river into which they had jumped in attempts to escape the Arakanese and
led into the royal harem.
8. Shah Shuja’s Family
Piara
Banu, Shuja’s wife, when approached by Sanda Thudhamma in his seraglio,
is supposed to have killed herself with a dagger while her two elder
daughters took poison and died. The youngest, Amena Banu, was forcibly
taken as wife by the King but languished in captivity and died. Of the
sons, one of the elder, probably Bang (or Buland Akbtar) who is said to
have been only 16 years of age (and who bad defended one end of the pass
until he was wounded and captured ) was killed by the Maghs at the
behest of .their King. Thus on foreign soil ended the family of Shuja'
at the hands of his erstwhile hosts and protectors.34
Stewart's
version, is almost identical except for a statement that when the
Council refused to play his game by ordering the extermination of the
Mughals, Sanda Thudhamma ordered his troops "to remove the Moghuls from
their present residence and compel them to take the route of Chittagong;
but if, in so doing, the life of one of his subjects should be lost the
officer, commanding, was at liberty to satiate the revenge."35 The implication was only too obvious.
Harvey,
both in his "The Fate of Shah Shuja" and Hisiory of Burma, holds that
Shuja’ did plan to attempt a coup with the help of his own two hundred
followers and the local Muslims but due to leakage of the plot, he and
his men were overpowered: afier some of them, in desperation, had put
the royal city of Mrauk-U to fire, Shuja' himself fled into the interior
but was haunted out and killed. "His daughters were taken into the
harem, the marriage of the eldest (Pari Banu according to Harvey) being
celebrated in song and verse which are still greatly admired.36
San
Shwe Bu, who claims to report the account common to Arakanese
historians, dismisses the episode in the following words with not a word
of regret or sympathy for the unfortunate Shah Shuja'. He tries to
rationalize "the so-called cruel conduct" (italics mine) of the
Arakanese King. Afier describing Shuja' as being without the philosophic
calm which had stood his elder brother Dara in good stead even in the
days of his dire adversity, he says:
...In
a short time he conceived the idea of deposing the king his benefactor
and ascending the throne of Arakan. There were numerous Mabomedans
settled in the country.He practically won over all these to his cause.
Preparations for a general rebellion were pushed on with feverish haste.
But alas! in February 1661, the plot leaked out and Shujah and his
party sought safety in flight to the hills of Northern Arakan.
King
Sanda-Tbudharnma-raza was more or less stunned when be heard of this
colossal act of perfidy and ingratitude. The fugitives were speedily
followed and were brought before the royal presence. For a time the King
looked sad; but a revulsion of feeling having set in, he forthwith
commanded that Shujah, his sons and, the principal officers of his
reiinue should be put to death. This was carried out with the approval
of his ministers who urged that if the culprits were allowed to live
there would be no peace in the country. Shujah's wife and two remaining
daughters were spared and were permitted to reside with the princess he
had married. The rest of the followers of the ungrateful Shujah were
spared their lives for it was contended that they, as servants, merely
obeyed the orders of their Master.37
However, San Baw U, another Arakanese historian, records a different view of Shah Shuja's character, the view of U Nga Me's Maha Razawin,
the royally approved chronicle of Arakan. It describes the Mughal
prince thus: “The Sultan Shuja, whose handsomeness, majestic bearing and
striking personality that never failed to touch the heart of every
person who behold him excelling even those of the Thagyamin, the King of
Heaven, whose abode was Tawateimsa...38
San Baw U reproduces later the description of Shah Shuja’s revolt as below:
In the month of Tabodwe 1023 B.E.,[February 1662, A.D.] 39
Shah Shuja with the object of seizing the throne of Arakan rebelled
against Sanda-Thudama. Being defeated he escaped to the source of
Gachapa nadi (Kalladan river) leaving his Family and followers to their
fate. The elder son (Muhammad Bank) was wounded, and some of the
followers were killed by the infuriated troops of King Sanda-Thudama.
When the King knew that the rebellion had failed, he at ones issued
strict orders that those who remained alive should be spared.40
Jadu
Nath Sarkar accepts Manucci's version and says that "European traders
who had free access to Aracan were likely to be best informed, and I
believe that the truth lies in what may have been recorded of Shuja's
fate."41
The
story of Shuja's escaping the fury of the Maghs and fleeing into the
hills of Tippera or the jungles of Burma has been recorded by several
chroniclers.Some of these suggest that the Mughal Prince escaped to the
source of the Gachapa Nadi (Kaladan river) and thence to the Naaf side.
One
reference,somewhat difficult to accept is cited by Orme whose source is
Dalrymple's Oriental Repertory. He mentions the existence of a tomb in
the distant island of Sulu located thousands of miles away from Mrauk-U
which was pointed out to him as Shah Shujs’s tomb. Despite the visual
"proof" offered, it is difficult to agree that Shuja' alone, or even
with a small remnant of royal followers, crossed the Arakan Yornas into
Burma and went down all the length of that country into Siam and
ultimately reached. Sulu across the waters. San Baw U thinks that while
the overland trek was highly improbable, for Shujs' "to reach that
island by sea-route in a sailing ship was a much easier method and was
not impossible even in those times." 42
However,
weighing all the available evidence, there can remain no doubt
whatsoever about his bloody end and even Alaol, the Bengali poet at
Mrauk-U, breaks his discreet near-silence and refers briefly to Shah
Shuja' and his fate. In the introduction io his xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
(Saiful Mulk Badiujjamal} written in 1669, he says:
43
Again in the introduction to his CT^l^H '•^'l (Sikandar Nama) written in 1673, he says :
---44
The
story of Shuja' would remain incomplete without references to the fate
of his sons and daughters who survived the first onslaught of the Magh
fury. The princes were kept under house surveillance in small huts, and
the princesses eked out their tortured spans of life within the triple
palace walls of Mrauk-U until their final release from all agonies.
After
Sbuja’s cruel end, the Mughal government of Bengal tried to rescue the
survivors of his family from the clutches of Sanda Thudhamma and with
the reluctant assistance of the Dutch, sent Mirzs Ali Beg to Mrauk-U on
this mission. From 29th September 1661 the negotiations began
and went on until the beginning of 1664 when the King of Arakan
completed his tally by wiping out the surviving Mughal princesses at one
fell sweep.The infuriated King followed this up by organizing a great
raid on Bengal which ultimately culminated in shattering retaliation by
the new Subahdar of Bengal, "Sjha Estachan" (Shayista Khan), in 1665.45
The
earliest news of the massacre of the halpless members of the Mughal
royalty at Mrauk-U seeped out from the Dutch factory at Hugli to their
headquarter at Batavia. It is recorded in the Doghregister that: "the
sons of Shah Shuja and every one found wearing a beard in the Moorish
fashion had been beheaded as a result on an attempt by the princes to
set fire to the royal palace at Mrohaung in order to escape in the
confusion."
This
report was confirmed in greater detail by Gerrit van Voorburg's
successor at Mrauk-U, Daniel Six. In his letter to Batavia he says:
On
25 July last, the royal palace had been fired by ten or twelve
desperate "Mogolders" and burnt to the ground. Shah Shuja's three sons
were suspected of having been the cause of it and bad been at once
beheaded; and many Moors and Bengalis bad been plundered and murdered.
Further ambassadors bad been sent (to Mrauk-U) but the king bad gone so
far as to clap one of them in gaol. War was imminent...46
Bernier's version of the second Muslim revolt is:
But
whatever doubts may be entertained of the fate of Sultan Sujah, there
are none as to the catastrophe which befell his family. "When brought
back, men, women, and children were all thrown into prison, and treated
with the utmost harshness. Some time after, however, they were set at
liberty, and used more kindly; the King then married the eldest
princess, and the Queen-mother evinced a strong desire to be united to
Sultan Banque.47
While
these events were happening, some servants of Sultan Banque joined the
Mahometans, of whom I have spoken, in a plot similar to the last- The
indiscreet zeal of one of the conspirators, who was probably heated with
wine, led to the discovery of the design on the day on which it was to
be executed. In regard to this affair, too, I have heard a thousand
different tales; and the only fact I can relate with confidence is that
the King felt so exasperated against the family of Sujah as to give
orders for its total extermination. Even the Princess whom he had
himself spoused, and who, it is said, was advanced in pregnancy, was
sacrificed according to his brutal mandate.Sultan Banque and his
brothers were decapitated with gruesome-looking axes, quite blunt, and
the female members of this ill-fated family were closely confined in
their apartments, and left to die of hunger.48
Manucci is somewhat compressed but records:
Prince
Bang was taken prisoner, while Shah Shujah with a few men fled to the
jungle. He made liberal use of his bags of jewels and pearls, which he
scattered among these savages, attempting by the use of these valuables
to mitigate the rage of the soldiers and gain a free passage for his
fight. But the Maghs paid no heed to proffered wealth; they pursued the
poor prince like famishing wolves, cutting his body into pieces,
stripping it bare, and plundering all his valuables...Prince Bang
remained for some time a prisoner, but afterward he regained his
liberty.Owing, however, to his attempting once more some treachery, the
Magh ordered his head to be cut off with a hatchet. The women and
daughters of Shah Shujah were carried off the palace of the king. But
owing to the distrust aroused there among the other women of the king,
he was obliged to expel them, and they moved as castaways from house to
house until their miserable lives came to an end.49
Neither
Dow nor Stewart mentions this second Muslim revolt. Spearman alludes to
Shuja’s two surviving sons who "were subsequently drowned," and Phayre
just mentions that "the remaining daughter (Amena Banu) was brought into
the palace, where from grief she died". Mahbubul Alam, in passing,
says: "Many of Shuja's followers died at the hands of the palace guard.
Now, Amena Banu was also killed on the charge of conspiring with the
rest of them (the followers)."50
San
Shwe Bu gives details of the "revolt" and the dire punishment that was
visited upon Shuja's surviving children, his followers and Muslims in
general. His account runs:
For
the space of about two years after these events, the affairs in Arakan
pursued their tranquil course. But, in the year 1663 A.D., the followers
of Shujah became restive once again either from greed of gain or to
avenge the supposed wrongs of their defunct master they one night set
fire to the palace. In the general confusion Manawthiri, the Governor of
Mrauk-U, was burnt to death and the king and his family barely escaped
with their lives.Their crowning act of treachery very rightly destroyed
the remaining faith the king had in all those connected with the Indian
prince. In his righteous indignation he first caused the arrest and
execution of his Mughal archers. Then he ordered the death of Shuja's
wife and daughters, not even excepting his own wife who was then in an
advanced stage af pregnancy, the reason for this cruel command being
based on the fact that it was considered neither fair nor expendienfc
that such ungrateful people should be allowed to dwell in the society of
loyal and honest subjects of the realm.51
It
has been confirmed by most accounts that Amena Banu, at the time of her
assassination, was pregnant; her killing was probably the crowning
inequity of Sanda Thudhamma among all his other misdeeds.
And
yet the Arakanese historian proudly concludes with the laudatory dictum
that "King Sanda-Thudamma-Raza was one of the most enlightened of
Arakanese Kings of the Mrauk-U dynasty!”
Alaol
confirms the report of the second revolt in his writings referring to
the wholesale killings and imprisonments of the Muslims of Mrauk-U. In
the reign of terror which followed the abortive rising, Alaol himself,
an innocent citizen of Mrauk-U, was incarcerated in prison for a period
of fifty days on the basis of the reports of tell-tales and was only
released by strong intercession on his behalf.52
The
Mugnal Court appears to have received the confirmed news of the death
of Prince Shuja' and his family belatedly through devious routes mainly
from Dutch and European traders in Bengal. One of these sources was,
however, the Waqa'i (daily news reports) of the city of Hyderabad in the
Deccan.
The report for Saturday, 1st Muharram 1072 A.H (17th August 1661 A.D.) records:
"When
the news was received that the ship of Khan-i-Khanan, Sipah-Salar, (Mir
Jumla) sailing from Rakhang Arakan], called at Ishsq Patam the news
reporter sought a written confirmation from the Ship's captain of Prince
Shuja's murder.”
The report for Friday, 14t Muharram, 1072 A.H (30th August 1661 A.D) confirms the news. It ran:
"From
Masulipatam, a letter was received from Mir Qssim of Khassa-i-Sharifa,
reporting the arrival of the vessel Cholia, previously under the command
of Khan Khanan, from the port of Rakhang.This letter also brought the
news of the assassination of prince Shuja, arrest of his sons and
daughters by the Raja of Arakan and slaying of the sisters by their
brothers to have their good name. These tragic happenings were already
reported to the Emperor by Makhshiu'l Mamalik Amin Khan."53
Since
no one could definitely affirm Shuja’s death, as his corpse was never
recovered, the mystery around his fate has led to a brood of rumours
and, what was less innocuous, a number of pretenders.
Says Orme in this regard:
According
to the prevalent report of the time, he was murdered with his family
and followers by a Rajah, on the confines of Arracan: but as his head
had never been produced, nor the fact vouched by any persons who knew
him before bis flight, some credit was given lo other reports, that he
had escaped; which is believed, as we are informed, in the island of
Sooloo, far from Arracan and Bengal where his tomb is shown at this day
(1805).
A
number of pretenders, made their appearances. One of these was a Pathan
soldier who had served in Shuja’s army and resembled him closely "in
countenance and figure." He collected a band of Pathan malcontents,
marched towards Delhi and probably went on to the Yusufzai country in
1674.
Orme
also mentions that Shivaji in order to pique Aurangzeb appears to have
mentioned during his sacking of Surat in 1664 "that he had Sultan Shujah
in his camp, who is rightful emperor and had given him the town."
Another report said Shuja' had escaped into Persia and still another
that he led a rising near Murang (Purneah) in 1669; thirty years later a
pretender claiming to be Prince Buland Akhtar was arrested near
Allahbad.
Bernier
mentions rumours of Shujs's being at Golkonda and Masulipatam, and
passing by Surat in ships presented by either the King of Pegu or Siam.
But there appears to have been no substance in any of these various
tales. 54
9. Epilogue
Now that the story of Shah Shuja's tragic end has been told, it remains only to point out some remaining doubts and conflicts.
One
main conflict in opinion is about the route taken by the unhappy Mug^al
prince in his tlight to Arakan, liberty and death. It has been
mentioned above, that some of the most reliable sources hold that Shah
Snuja and his parry left by ship from Dacca ( or from the “port" on the
Meghna) for Dianga or Chittagong, and that thence the party travelled by
land to Mrauk-U. Of course, one or two variants are suggested, e.g.,
travel by ship all the way from Dacca to Mrauk-U.
However,
a sizeable body of opinion holds that the route taken, was mainly
overland through the hills and jungles of Tippera and Chittagong to the
"Golden City of Mrauk-U." Fray Sebastien Manrique who, in 1629-30,
travelled from Hughli via Dianga to Paragri in Arakan, on stop before
Mrauk-U, is recorded to have taken 14 days to reach Dianga from. Hughli
by sea and another 22 days from Dianga to Paragri by land.
In other words, the period of 113 days taken by Shuja viz. from 6th May to 26th
August 1660 to reach Mrauk-U is more than three times the period taken
by Manrique's party. However, it must be remembered that Shuja' led a
big slow moving party consisting of many women and children and a
considerable quantity of baggage.
The
historical accounts also name varyingly the objects of Sanda
Thudhamma's passion. With Shakespeare, we would say “What's in a name?"
The facts remain that he was guilty of taking advantage of the
helplessness of royal refugees who had thrown themselves at his mercy
and that he did not stop short of force in taking one of the Mughal
princesses to wife and then disposing of her in a heartless manner. In
this context, the Arakanese versions that Shuja’ on his arrival at the
royal city of Arakan gladly offered his daughter and his sister (or
both) seem to have been based on remarkable feats of imagination.
As
for the end of Shuja’ himself, while no conclusive decision can be
arrived at on the basis of the information now available, the
overwhelming weight of evidence indicates that he perished. Speculative
theories about his escape into Tipperah or Burma and thencs to Sulu
Island or Surat, Persia or Yusufzai country ail appear to be unfounded.
Reference:
- Bernier, 110.
- This was only a house of bamboo.
- Manucci, I, 374.
- Hamilton, IT, 27. Sie also Dow, 329; Stewart, 278-9.
- Bernier, 110-11.
- Manucci, I. 369-371.
- San Shwe Bu. 38.
- Wa/io Ra^awin, U Ko'3 translation of extract from U Nga Me's work.
- San Baw U, 19.
- ^t^f? ", There are some songs and ballads about the lament of Pari Banu in Arakanese and the lament of Amena Banu in Chitiagong.
- Harvey, History of Burma, 138; Hall, A History of South-East Asia, 339.
- Dow 331; Beale, Thomas WIliam, The Oriental Biographical Dictionary Calcutta, 1881, 217.
- Supra
- Supra
- IBowrey, 141.
- Bernier, 110-11.
- Manucci, I, 374.
- Siewart, 279.
- Bernier,111;Manucci,374; San Shwe Bu, 38 ; see also Manrique,Fray Sebastien, Travels of Fray Sebaslien Manrique, 1620-43, tr. And ed. by Lt. Col. C. Ecktbrd Luard, Oxford, Hakluyt Society, 1926 reprint.
- ^it?^^ <?T^ TSt^ ^W^} ^iTf?7;";, (^£''75 'ifcOO-'^OO ^p) Bengali Literature in the Court of Arakan, 1600-1700 a.d. Calcuta,1935. 4-12; Mahbub-ul-Aiam.
- Ibid: 4-9 ; Maarique, I, 373 ; Hall, Studies in Dutch Relations, I, 9.
- Huq and Karim, 7-12
- This suggests treachery on the part of some of Shuja's followers.
- Schouten, I, 234, 236-237.
- Hail, Studies in Dutch Relations with Arakan, 24.
- Hall, Studies in Dutch Relations with Arakan, 24.
- Ibid , 23
- Bernie 111-32. To a larger extent the accoun; ie the Daghregisier and lhat of Schouien approximate.
- Manucci, 374-375.
- Bowrey, 141-142.
- Hamilton. 11, 27.
- Dow, 329.
- Dow, 329-30.
- Italics mine.
- Siewan. 280-282,
- Harvev. History of Burma. 147; The Fate of Shah Shuja. JBRS, 1922.
- San Shwe Bu, 38-39.
- Op. cit., 15 ; Dow and Stswart give very favourable readings of Shuja’s character but I have chosen to reproduce that of the Arakanese chronicle itself.
- There seems to be a discrepancy of one year in San Baw U’s chronology. However, the dates given in the Daghrsgisier are detinue.
- San Baw U, 19. Sanda Thudhamma's order to spare the surviving Mughals was not altogether altruistic for, in times to come they made very good archers for the Arakanese army and were famous as the Kamans.
- Sarkar; J. N., History of Aurangzeb, Calcutta, 1925, I & II, 611, 617.
- Orme refers to Dalrymple's Oriental Repertory, London, 1793, 49-50 of his Fragment of the Mughal Empire; San Baw U, 17. Sulu is an island lying between Borneo and the Philippines at 5° lat. and 120° e; long.
- Alaol, Saiful Muluk Bodi-uj-jamal(Dacca University Mss.Collection,Puthi No. 510). The Bengali spelling in this extract, and the one following strictly follows that in the Ms.
- Alaol. Sekandar Nama (Dacca University Mss. Collection, Puthi No. 532).
- For details of this chapter of history see Hall, Studies in Dutch Relations with Arakan, III, 24-26.
- Hall, Studies in Dutch Relations, III, 26-26.
- Italics mine. No other account mentiom this intriguing point.
- Bemier, 114-115.
- Manucci, 375-376.
- Spearman, I, 293 ; Phayre, 179 ; Mahbubui Alam, 158.
- San Sbwe Bu, 3.S.
- Enamul Haque and Abdnl Karim, 48.
- Yusuf Husain, Selected Waqai' of the Deccan (1660-1671 A-&.) Hyderabad.
- Bernier, 113-114; Orme, 49, 50, 219; Sarkar, J. N., 61&-11.
< Prev | Next > |
---|
No comments:
Post a Comment